
The vast majority of its beneficiaries vote for Likud, Religious Zionism, Shas or United Torah Judaism. The campaign to shift the blame for veterans’ woes onto Netanyahu and his partners didn’t work this time, even though the bill is perfect for doing so. We didn’t turn this bill against the opposition as we did so well with the bill for veterans’ scholarships, the head of one coalition party admitted.

The government was forced to admit to a PR failure this week. Right-wing lawmakers Nir Orbach and Idit Silman at the Knesset on Wednesday. After all the crises, extortion attempts, threats, moaning and groaning, 60 MKs will support it, Silman will abstain and Sa’ar won’t be able to complain. Lapid predicts – it's not clear on what grounds – that the bill will ultimately pass, but only after the coalition traverses its usual via dolorosa in the Knesset. Sa’ar asked what Lapid suggested they do ultimately, they took a smiling selfie and sent it to the media. In Israeli political terms, this isn’t a quarrel it’s barely even a substantive dispute over a tactical issue. But we mustn’t create the impression that we’re falling apart. In principle, you’re right, Lapid replied. Otherwise, he said, it’s impossible to claim that the government is functioning.

Sa’ar argued that all coalition parties should have to vote for it.
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Lapid showed him a media report saying the two had quarreled at the meeting of coalition party heads.īoth recalled a rather bland discussion about how to wage the battle to extend the emergency regulation. “What are you talking about?” Sa’ar replied. Wednesday afternoon, Foreign Minister Yair Lapid went to Sa’ar’s Knesset office and asked, in his jocular way, “Look, is it possible that we quarreled and didn’t know it?” And to pile on the irony, that will be Netanyahu’s justification to wavering Yamina MK Nir Orbach & Co. If the Knesset dissolves itself before June 30, an automatic extension will be given that will preserve the existing situation until a new government is formed. The irony is that an election is the only way to spare settlers from the bitter fate that awaits them if the emergency regulation is not extended. Mainly because he doesn’t want to look like a prisoner of the United Arab List. He is not keen, not because his commitment to the framework that never would have arisen without him has diminished. It’s aimed at getting him to swear loyalty to the government at any price. Is everyone going to vote only on what suits them? What do they want, to annex the West Bank so Israeli law applies to everyone? The pressure from Yesh Atid lawmakers, for example, doesn’t impress him. A coalition isn’t a radio listener-request show. Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett last week celebrating the passing of a bill providing scholarships to veterans. Maybe he was just putting on a brave front maybe he was trying to signal to MK Idit Silman from his Yamina party, who defected from the coalition, that even if the law isn’t passed the government won’t fall maybe he has learned viscerally in the past year that it’s never as scary as it seems. In closed conversations afterward, Bennett sounded less worried than Sa’ar about what could happen if the regulation isn’t extended.

Is that the solution to the distress of everyone here?” There are only two alternatives to this government: endless rounds of elections or handing over the government to Bibi and his bunch. Look at what we have done only in the past year – we’ve brought the country back onto a normal track. There is no law, there are no regulations, there is nothing,” continued Bennett, “that justifies breaking up this government. “I would like to remind you,” began the host, “of what we are facing: the abyss. On Wednesday morning Prime Minister Naftali Bennett called a meeting of the heads of the coalition parties.
